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By The New York Times
Published 3 months ago on
April 17, 2025

FILE — Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) speaks to reporters after surpassing the record for the longest Senate speech at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, April 1, 2025. Out of power in Congress, Democrats who were slow to fight back against President Trump are increasingly finding ways to do so. But activists want much more. (Eric Lee/The New York Times)

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WASHINGTON — Rep. Jamie Raskin has a mantra for the second Trump era: “A rally a day keeps the fascists away.”

Raskin, D-Md., who developed a following for his role on the House select committee on the Jan. 6, 2021, attack, has attended 52 rallies and marches since President Donald Trump’s inauguration, and regularly speaks at town halls in red districts where Republicans are no longer showing up.

“There’s a regime of fear that’s been brought down on society,” Raskin said in an interview. “People need to see leaders and organizers standing up and speaking with authority against what’s happening.”

Finding Ways to Fight Back

As Trump approaches the 100th day of his presidency, Democratic leaders in Congress, who were slow out of the gate to stand up to a president unbound, are beginning to find ways of using what little leverage they have to fight back.

Hundreds of lawmakers have signed onto half-a-dozen court briefs challenging Trump’s unlawful executive directives; others have held “shadow” hearings highlighting administration moves that have trampled on the rule of law and eliminated crucial federal programs. In the Senate, they have used rules to slow down confirmations of some lower-level administration officials.

Even when they are destined to lose, some Democratic lawmakers have succeeded in spotlighting their resistance to the administration. Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey drew outsize attention with a record-breaking, 25-hour speech on the Senate floor, a physical feat of stamina and bladder control that resonated widely — racking up millions of likes on TikTok — even if it did not actually block the president from doing anything.

This week, Sen. Chris Van Hollen of Maryland grabbed headlines by flying to El Salvador to press for the return of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, an immigrant who had been living in his state until he was wrongly deported. The Trump administration has made clear it has no intention of bringing Abrego Garcia, who is now in a Salvadoran prison, back to the United States, but Democrats cheered Van Hollen on for showing up and at least trying to put up a fight.

Activist Dissatisfaction

Still, it is not yet clear whether Democrats are making much tangible headway. Trump’s approval numbers have not dropped sharply despite their efforts to frame his actions as part of an unlawful billionaire takeover of American democracy that is making life more expensive for working people.

And many Democratic activists still want a stronger show of resistance from their leaders in Washington and are convinced that a younger, more combative generation could do better. Many progressives view Sen. Chuck Schumer, the 74-year-old New York Democrat serving as minority leader, as out of step and entrenched in the status quo at a time of historic constitutional challenge. They have called for him to go.

“There’s a massive vacuum of leadership available to Democrats willing to take risks to fight Trump,” said Sawyer Hackett, a Democratic strategist. “But social media posts and floor speeches won’t cut it. Voters are watching closely for who’s willing to fight like democracy depends on it — because it does.”

Democrats have been trying to use their limited power on Capitol Hill to do just that.

At one shadow hearing this month, led by Raskin and Sen. Adam B. Schiff of California, the testimony of a former Justice Department pardon attorney, Elizabeth G. Oyer, detailing her abrupt firing received more than half a million views online.

Raskin said it was “just as good or even better” than an official hearing Democrats could convene if they were in the majority because “we don’t have to waste our time hearing propaganda from Republicans.”

Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., the minority leader, has also organized shadow hearings spotlighting Republican efforts to cut Medicaid, Social Security and other social safety net programs.

Sen. Brian Schatz of Hawaii has placed holds on hundreds of Trump administration nominees, including a blanket blockade on would-be State Department officials, while Democrats slow down the confirmations of dozens of others. And the party’s progressive stars are on a nationwide “Fight Oligarchy” tour, drawing tens of thousands of supporters at every stop.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, one of the tour’s headliners, raised $9.5 million in the first three months of the year, an eye-popping number for a lawmaker who has not announced a run for higher office and whose average donation was $21.

Less attention-grabbing have been some modest but meaningful local victories. After a Social Security office in Poughkeepsie, New York, was listed on the Department of Government Efficiency’s permanent closure list, the district’s House representative, Pat Ryan, teamed up with other local leaders to protest the move and ultimately succeeded in having it spared.

None of it has done much to make a huge dent in Trump’s standing or quell frustration that many Democrats feel about their party. Trump’s approval rating, according to a recent CBS News/YouGov poll, has dropped by 3 points since March, down to 47%.

Among Trump voters, 57% said the president had performed better than they expected him to, and just 9% said he had performed worse, even while the vast majority of all voters said that “chaotic” was an accurate description of his leadership style, according to a recent survey conducted by Third Way, a Democratic group.

Limited Tools, Unrealistic Expectations

“What people can learn from Cory Booker and Chris Van Hollen is there is an incredible hunger for putting the body down in the tracks,” said Zephyr Teachout, the progressive Fordham Law professor who has run unsuccessfully for governor and attorney general in New York. “What Jeffries publicly suggests is a kind of impotence. There’s a hunger for leadership and a sense that the two most powerful Democrats aren’t there.”

Schumer has said repeatedly that his red line for taking “extraordinary action” to stand up to Trump would be if the president defies the Supreme Court.

But he has yet to explain what “extraordinary action” would look like. And despite the Trump administration’s refusal to comply with the Supreme Court’s order that it “facilitate” the release of Abrego Garcia, Schumer has not outlined any extreme measures Democrats plan to take.

(This week, however, Schumer put to use an arcane Senate tradition known as “blue slips” to stop Trump from installing federal prosecutors. And he has successfully pushed back at the local level against DOGE cuts to Social Security offices in his state.)

David Axelrod, the Democratic strategist who for years has criticized party leaders for their strategies, said the situation they face now is particularly challenging because of Trump’s brazenness and their lack of power in Washington.

“There’s unrealistic expectations on the part of activist Democrats who want a catharsis,” Axelrod said. “The truth is the tools are limited. There are consequences to elections, and unless Democrats can take back one or both chambers of Congress, this is largely a rhetorical exercise and a question of where do you focus your rhetoric.”

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

By Annie Karni/Eric Lee
c. 2025 The New York Times Company

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