Meta is preparing to spend $65 million this year to boost state politicians who are friendly to the artificial intelligence industry, beginning this week in Texas and Illinois, according to company representatives.

A Major Escalation in Political Spending

The sum is the biggest election investment by Meta, which owns Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp. The company was previously cautious about campaign engagements, making small donations out of a corporate political action committee and contributing to presidential inaugurations. It also let executives like Sheryl Sandberg, who was chief operating officer, support candidates in their personal capacities.

Now Meta is betting bigger on politics, driven by concerns over the regulatory threat to the artificial intelligence industry as it aims to beat back legislation in states that it fears could inhibit AI development, company representatives said.

New Super PACs Target State Races

To do that, Meta is quietly starting two new super PACs, according to federal filings surfaced by The New York Times. One group, Forge the Future Project, is backing Republicans. Another, Making Our Tomorrow, is backing Democrats. The new PACs join two others already started by Meta, one of which is focused on California while the other is an umbrella organization that finances the company’s spending in other states.

In total, the four super PACs have an initial budget of $65 million, according to federal and state filings. Meta’s spending is set to start this week in Illinois and Texas, where the company generally favors backing Democratic and Republican incumbents or engaging in open races rather than deposing existing officials, company representatives said in interviews.

Texas and Illinois as Early Battlegrounds

In Texas, where Meta has three AI data center projects, Forge the Future Project is preparing to back friendly Republican legislators, officials and candidates. State and local officials there have clashed over the construction of data centers, which are the computing centers that power AI development. This month, state Sen. Paul Bettencourt, a Republican, threatened legal action against Hood County, southwest of Fort Worth, where county commissioners had considered a proposed moratorium on new data centers.

Early voting has begun this week in the first round of state primaries, which will be held March 3, with runoffs in May for candidates who do not clear 50% support.

Meta’s Texas and Republican effort is led by Brian Baker, a GOP strategist who has grown close to the company’s CEO, Mark Zuckerberg. Baker said that Forge the Future Project’s “focus is on elevating Republican leaders who have demonstrated a strong commitment to championing America’s tech future and maintaining our global competitive edge.” He added that the super PAC would pay for advertising and get-out-the-vote activities.

In Illinois, Making Our Tomorrow is set to begin spending in at least four state House races, according to a representative for the group. The money will go toward positive digital ads and direct mail sent to voters.

Meta last year struck a deal in Illinois to buy power from a nuclear power plant. The state’s Democratic-run legislature has proposed several AI regulations, some of which have been passed and signed into law by Gov. JB Pritzker. Primaries will be held in the state on March 17.

“Making Our Tomorrow’s mission is to elect Democrats who champion the policies, innovation and technologies that drive opportunity for all Americans,” said Peter Kauffman, a spokesperson for the group.

Political operatives tied to AI interests have focused this election cycle on state capitols out of concern that states were developing a patchwork of laws that would stifle AI development. Some tech executives have sought to fund a push for a federal preemption law to overrule the state measures.

A Push to Shape AI Regulation

But a more direct approach is to try to beat the lawmakers who could vote against their interests. State legislative elections in particular can be relatively cheap, and $65 million can go a long way.

Advocacy networks are increasingly setting up Democratic and Republican arms of a unified operation. Meta has not publicly promoted Forge the Future Project or Making Our Tomorrow, but they are disclosed as connected to the company on paperwork filed with the IRS.

Last year, Meta’s public policy vice president, Brian Rice, said the company would start spending in politics because of “inconsistent regulations that threaten homegrown innovation and investments in AI.” The company started its first two super PACs, American Technology Excellence Project and Mobilizing Economic Transformation Across California.

Meta put $45 million into American Technology Excellence Project in September. That money is expected, in turn, to flow to Forge the Future Project, Making Our Tomorrow and potentially to other entities.

In paperwork filed with the IRS, the American Technology Excellence Project said it “was formed to support the election of state and local candidates — regardless of party affiliation — who promote and defend U.S. technology companies and leadership, advocate for AI progress, and promote parental oversight over their children’s online activities.”

States have different campaign-finance laws, and some try to be particularly transparent about corporate influence. In Texas, Forge the Future Project listed Meta in its committee name, calling itself “Forge the Future Project With Meta,” according to filings reviewed by the Times. It also listed the tech giant as its “controlling entity.”

In California, which has some of the country’s most onerous campaign-finance disclosures, Meta in August put $20 million into Mobilizing Economic Transformation Across California, which shortens to META California. State laws require the sponsoring company to be disclosed in the name of the entity.

In December, Meta put $5 million into another California committee called California Leads, which is focused on promoting moderate business policy and not AI, according to state records.

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This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

By Theodore Schleifer and Matt Zdun/Jason Henry
c.2026 The New York Times Company